Prime Minister Narendra Modi‘s federal government in India has declared that it will conduct a mock drill in the country from Wednesday, May 7, lasting up to seven days across several locations, to assess civil-defence preparedness, rehearse evacuations and blackouts.
The Ministry of Home Affairs, under Mr Modi’s trusted lieutenant, the Union Home Minister Amit Shah, has been tasked with conducting the mock drill across 244 civil-defence districts of India’s chosen states.
The civil-defence districts differ from administrative districts and fall under state jurisdiction.
Officials claim the mock drill will help evaluate civil-defence preparedness.
Officials stated that the measures include the operation of Air Raid Warning Sirens and training civilians and students in civil-defence protocols to protect themselves during hostile attacks.
India last practised such drills after the 1971 Bangladesh war.
Reports suggest the measures also include emergency blackout procedures, early camouflaging of vital installations and updating evacuation plans.
While the announcement has stirred excitement across urban middle-class quarters, it coincides with surging anti-Pakistan sentiment following the April 22nd terror attack in Pahalgam and a jingoistic campaign for war with Pakistan, even endorsed by the opposition.
This raises questions regarding the government’s long-term motives.
What is the government’s aim?
Mr Modi’s government has exploited xenophobic sentiment following the Pahalgam attack and avoided scrutiny.
Neither Mr Shah nor other officials, including National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, an octogenarian ex-spy chief, has resigned.
Mr Modi’s ruling far-right Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), its Hindutva allies, and media influencers have pinned the blame for the security lapse in Jammu & Kashmir’s Pahalgam – under Mr Shah’s ministry – on opponents, human-rights activists and Muslims.
Numerous attacks against Muslims have occurred since the Pahalgam attack, where militants killed 25 Hindus after identifying them. They also killed a local Kashmiri Muslim man.
With xenophobia peaking and TV anchors clamouring for immediate war with Pakistan, the mock drill has stirred mixed emotions nationwide.
Elites and the middle class, who stand to profit from war, demand a “final solution” to Pakistan.
As these urban, upper-caste Hindus form Mr Modi’s core vote bank and are susceptible to nationalist and anti-Muslim rhetoric, he easily bedazzles them with mock drills.
If the BJP retains influence over these groups—who dominate India’s financial and intellectual capital—it could maintain political hegemony for decades.
Meanwhile, to appease this section, Mr Modi’s government launched strikes on six sites, including Punjab’s Sialkot and Bahawalpur, and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, killing 26 and injuring over 46, whom Pakistan claims were mostly civilians, including women and children.
The operation, code-named “Operation Sindoor” by India, prompted Pakistani retaliation along the Line of Control.
This symbolic gesture lets Mr Modi stoke war excitement among civilians.
There are also claims that the mock drill announcement just before hitting Pakistan was a subterfuge, which has been amplified on social media by the BJP activists.
However, launching a full-blown war with nuclear-armed Pakistan in the current geopolitical climate would be untenable even for Mr Modi, who commands support from 237.95m of India’s 646.45m voters.
Yet to appease hyper-jingoistic followers and maintain his aura of invincibility, Mr Modi must de-escalate gradually after “Operation Sindoor”.
Meanwhile, to rally public support, his government needs to keep citizens mobilised for the forthcoming war.
The mock drill across 244 civil-defence districts serves this purpose, convincing the public that the government is acting post-“Operation Sindoor”.
As most Indians have never experienced war, there’s naïve idealisation of conflict among Hindutva supporters who overestimate India’s military strength.
Mr Modi, who reminded Indians how blackouts helped people stay prepared during the 1965 and 1971 wars during his March 19th 2020, Janata lockdown speech, appears to be recycling pandemic-era tactics.
Besides proposing voluntary lockdowns then, he had urged citizens to clang pots and pans, creating bizarre COVID-19 celebrations.
Now, he’s leveraging that experience to generate public frenzy around mock drills while reassuring his base with “Operation Sindoor” theatrics.
However, like the COVID-19 lockdown that followed the Janata lockdown, the mock drill poses logistical challenges.
Mock drill challenges
Mock drills are not inherently problematic, but India hasn’t conducted them for five decades nor invested in civilian war protection.
Unlike China with its underground shelters, India has none for its 1.4bn population, mostly living in rural and semi-urban areas.
India has long neglected bomb shelters and protective infrastructure for its growing population.
Coordinating logistics and training civil-defence volunteers for emergencies remains challenging.
In a country with widespread disregard for order, mobilising civilians in non-border states during drills or actual conflict could prove chaotic.
Questions persist about how the federal and state governments would protect civilians during nuclear strikes or major attacks.
Building underground bunkers for 1.4bn people vulnerable to attack if “Operation Sindoor” escalates remains an unanswered challenge.
But with war fever alive, neither state media nor the 237.95m BJP voters question their safety.
To avoid embarrassment, Mr Modi’s government excluded non-border civilians from drills.
Instead, across most civil-defence districts, federal and state governments will only test administrative preparedness and alarm systems.
This prevents unflattering visuals and protects the government’s reputation.
The drills will mainly test air force and civilian aviation coordination and how quickly districts can respond.
They’ll also assess preparedness at critical infrastructure, particularly nuclear facilities.
Camouflaging these sites is vital.
These drills will not involve mass civilian mobilisation in all places, except in a few crucial border districts of Jammu, Punjab and Rajasthan.
Though schools will conduct civil-defence exercises for seven days, the government cannot train most Indians in wartime protection during this period.
Ultimately, most Indians—including those in Pakistani missile ranges—will remain unprotected.
As a looming conflict threatens their safety, millions of marginalised Indians face growing uncertainty.
