The billowing smoke has disappeared from the skies of Kathmandu, Pokhara and other important Nepali cities, as the Gen-Z protests subsided last week following Sushila Karki’s swearing-in as the interim prime minister. Although the shattered glass, burnt tear gas shells, spent cartridges, and numerous stones adorned the capital’s streets even on last Friday, as its burnt government buildings stand as a stark reminder of the mayhem, normalcy has started returning to the Himalayan country.
In the aftermath of the mayhem, before Ms Karki was sworn in, the Nepali Gen-Z protesters confronted several unprecedented challenges.
Firstly, it had been imperative for the original organisers of the Gen Z protests to distance themselves from the violence that followed on Monday, resulting in several of the protesters being killed.
So far, a total of 51 deaths have been reported in Nepal. Among them are 21 protesters, three police personnel, nine prisoners, 18 others and one Indian citizen.
Around 284 people have been receiving treatment for their injuries in different hospitals, authorities say, while over 1,700 were released after their injuries were treated.
The accountability for the vandalism, arson and subsequent criminal acts across the country, which resemble a West-backed “colour revolution” template, lies with the organisers, yet they claim that they had never consciously planned any violent movement.
Thus, their primary focus is to shift the blame for the violence and casualties on “outsiders” and conspirators.
Even Ms Karki has highlighted that her government, with a tenure of only six months, will investigate the vandalism and violence to bring the perpetrators to justice.
The former judge’s announcement has stirred fear among several participants who didn’t engage in the vandalism but cheered it.
Considering the gravity, the Gen-Z protesters have issued a statement in which they have strongly condemned the violence and blamed intruders for it. They have expressed concerns over the arson and the resultant loss of government and private properties.
“What is gravely worrying and unacceptable is that those who infiltrated the Gen-Z movement—and who, from the second day, pursued a deliberate strategy of burning the physical, economic and moral foundations of the private sector, which is accountable to state institutions and the people—are now negotiating in military hospitality at army headquarters,” the protesters mentioned in their statement when the initial discussions had started over an interim government between them and the Nepali Army.
“The role of the Nepal Army is profoundly regrettable and must be corrected without delay. Should some populist politicians also be collaborating with these elements, or encouraging the army to trample over the will of the people, then they too stand, in our eyes, as leaders of the counter-revolution. They must immediately engage in self-criticism and clarify their stance,” the youth, affiliated with the leftwing parties of the country, alleged.
Secondly, the Nepali Gen-Z protesters face the need to dismiss the allegation that they acted consciously or impromptu to restore the monarchy and to reverse Nepal’s secular credentials in turning it into a Hindu Rashtra.
This allegation has surfaced after the army suggested the name of an infamous monarchist, Durga Prasai, for the interim government’s head during a discussion with the Nepali Gen-Z protesters.
Mr Prasai is infamous for his pro-India and pro-monarchy stance in the country.
Earlier this year, Mr Prasai, a former supporter of the Maoist-led people’s war that transformed Nepal from a Hindu monarchy to a secular republic, began an agitation demanding the restoration of the monarchy under the deposed former King Gyanendra Shah Dev.
He is accused of aligning with India’s ruling Hindutva camp, specifically the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)—the hydra of the global Hindutva movement and the parent organisation of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi‘s far-right Bharatiya Janata Party—which has been vocal for the restoration of monarchy in Nepal.
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)—an affiliate of the RSS—had mobilised its Nepal wing during the agitations that took place during KP Sharma Oli’s reign.
The VHP-RSS links of Mr Prasai made him infamous in Nepal, where anti-India sentiments run high due to New Delhi’s attempt to control all aspects of the Himalayan country’s politics and economy for years.
Considering a plot by the Nepali Army and the Indian state to subvert Nepal’s hard-won democracy and republican form of government, the Gen-Z protesters condemned the move in their statement.
“It is becoming increasingly clear that a deeply reactionary conspiracy is being woven over the bodies of the martyrs of the Gen-Z movement—one that seeks to re-establish monarchy through military mediation, abolish secularism, dismantle the federal structure and destroy proportional and inclusive representation,” the protesters said.
“This is utterly unacceptable to us. The blood and sacrifice of the Gen-Z movement were never intended to turn the republic back from secularism, nor to legitimise unconstitutional military activism. Our most urgent task today is to defeat this ongoing counter-revolutionary plot,” the statement written in Nepali said after India’s pro-Hindutva news channels started showing random arsonists claiming that they want a prime minister like Mr Modi, the restoration of monarchy, etc.
In their statement, the Nepali Gen-Z protesters threatened to take to the streets again if the armed forces, who have been historically loyal to the monarchy, tried to usurp the gains of the mass movement.
“To resist this new rise of counter-revolutionary forces, it seems the Gen-Z youth will once again have to take to the streets—and under their leadership, we are ready to rise with them,” they mentioned.
Finally, protecting the 2015 Constitution has been projected as a major task for the youth. The Nepali constitution, adopted ten years ago, remains a non-negotiable instrument for the Gen-Z protesters.
“In this moment of deep crisis, our strongest fortress against the counter-revolution is Nepal’s Constitution of 2015 (2072 BS). Remaining steadfast in its defence, under the guardianship of the President, is the demand of the hour if we are to build the path to the success of the Gen-Z revolution. Any new civic government must stand firmly on this constitutional foundation, without straying into unconstitutional avenues, while maintaining vigilant resistance against corruption and disorder,” they said.
Calling on the Nepali armed forces to fulfil their duties, the Gen-Z protesters said, “In respect of the grave responsibility conferred by the Constitution and the historic role of the Gen-Z revolution, the leadership of the Nepal Army must fulfil its duty: to cut all communication with the counter-revolutionaries immediately and to ensure that all future dialogue and initiatives are undertaken only under the guardianship and participation of the President.”
Though the Nepali society has largely supported the Gen-Z protesters, except for the violence and arson, it remains to be seen how Ms Karki’s interim government can resolve the major challenges, especially how it can crack a whip on the overwhelming corruption in Nepal’s public services and polity within six months. It also needs to be seen how the traditional political parties react to the changes and whether the Nepal Army remains loyal to the Constitution and the Republic.
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